Absolute power loves to come in the benign habiliment of profound 
understatement. When General Yakubu Gowon came to power after the coup 
of July 29, 1966, he was called the Supreme Commander and Head of the 
Federal Military Government. Yet his supremacy was heavily contested and
 the military government was deeply divided. Then the soldiers went to 
Ghana under the auspices of the new military ruler of that country and 
they met in Aburi. From that point on, Gowon took on the title of Head 
of State and Commander-in-Chief of the Nigerian Armed Forces. Yet with 
this new sober title, Gowon wielded more powers than hitherto.
When he came to power in succession to General J.T.U Aguiyi-Ironsi, 
the new Gowon was talking of handing over power to an elected regime by 
1971. Then the Civil War intervened and the assignment of nation 
building came in earnest. After the war, Gowon wore his powers with 
outward lavishness. We all love his regular movement to the airport, 
with the white uniform outriders displaying the arts and science of 
acrobatic motorcycling. The pomp and pageantry of power appealed to our 
youthful sense. Gowon was young, breathtakingly handsome and power 
becomes him like a natural accouterment. He too fell in love with power,
 its dizzying scent, its allure and its tantalizing romance.
He had promised that he would hand over power to an elected 
government by 1976, just six years after the Civil War. By that 1976, he
 would still just be a young man of 43, a full general on top of his 
game. And to walk away from all these at such a young age! He looked 
across the African continent, hardly was there any President looking for
 another job. Maumar Gadhafi of Libya, Hosni Mubarak of Egypt, 
Gnassingbe Eyadema of Togo, Mobutu Sese-Seko of Zaire; all long timers 
and not one of them were thinking of quitting. In 1974, Gowon told 
Nigerians that 1976 “is unrealistic.”
At that time when he seemed to be so powerful, power was actually 
slipping out of his hands. His governors openly defied him. He said he 
was going to change governors, but one of them said that was not 
possible. He still had a lot of jobs to perform. He appointed new 
Federal Commissioners (ministers) and brought past war commanders like 
then Brigadiers Murtala Muhammed and Olusegun Obasanjo into his cabinet.
 He instituted public service reforms under the leadership of Chief 
Jeremiah Udoji who recommended the payment of new salaries to public 
workers. The oil boom was in full swing and Gowon authorised the payment
 of salary arrears. Everyone was happy. In 1974, I had just finished 
secondary school and was offered employment by the Ekiti Divisional 
Local Schools Board, based in Ikerre, with Chief J.K. Gbadebo as its 
chairman. My salary was increased from Forty-Five Naira to Ninety Naira 
per month, thanks to the Udoji Award.
But by the time Gowon appeared so powerful, power was actually 
slipping from him. His soldiers plotted openly against him. His 
ministers (Federal Commissioners) contradicted each other and the Head 
of State was aloof from the reality in Nigeria. Some of his ministers 
were accused of corruption and new “anti-corruption crusaders” appeared 
on the national stage. It was not a surprise that Gowon was toppled in 
the coup of July 29, 1975.
The coup that brought General Murtala Muhammed to power was announced
 by Gowon’s Commander of the Brigade of Guards, Brigadier Joseph Garba. 
Muhammed, who had no time for the panoply of power, certainly wielded 
more powers than Gowon ever did. He fired all the governors, appointed 
his ministers and left no one in doubt about who was in control.
With the issue of power, it is not always clear who is in control. 
General Ibrahim Babangida, in a mood of self-satisfaction during his hey
 days declared: “We are not only in government, we are in power!” Yet 
power is an unfaithful mistress. It lies coyly with the powerful. But 
sometimes, it drifts away and moves in with the unknown elements who 
wield power without the responsibility of office. So by the closing 
years of his reign when power had drifted away, it took the reality of 
August 27, 1993 to open the eyes of General Babangida that power was no 
longer his mistress.
Babangida was a lucky man to ever find out the truth. In the old Oyo 
Empire, the greatest state among the Yoruba kingdoms of the pre-colonial
 era, the Alaafin was the potentate. The kingdom was founded by 
Oranmiyan, an Ife prince, who took the cognomen, Alaafin. At the height 
of his power, Alaafin authority covered a swath of territories in the 
present Oyo, Osun, Kwara, Ogun and Benin Republic. So provincial rulers 
would travel to the capital of Oyo bringing tributes to the Emperor. By 
Yoruba tradition, the Alaafin in those days cannot appear in public, 
except on ceremonial occasions and even at that, he must appear veiled.
The Alaafin’s palace was a mini-city. In it were many court rooms and
 when one of the provincial rulers, many of whom were kings also of 
their domains, appeared at the palace gate, he would be welcomed by the 
royal drummers and be led to the court room. There the visiting royal 
would meet the Alaafin on his throne and then he would prostrate before 
the emperor while the latter blessed him. The palace slaves and servants
 would collect the tributes and carry them to the vast courtyard of the 
emperor.
Unknown to the visiting provincial king, he had just been duped. The 
servants and the palace slaves had dressed up one of their own and 
installed him on a fake throne. The provincial king, not knowing the 
truth, thought he had met the real Alaafin, not knowing that he was 
prostrating to an Ilari, (a special palace servant) or a slave, who was 
dressed up in the royal robe of the emperor. Neither the emperor not the
 provincial king may ever know the truth. This practice was common when 
the emperor was weak or had ineffective control over the bureaucracy of 
the palace and the dark catacomb of old Oyo politics.
So in the year of Our Lord 2017, are we being led into the wrong 
court room to prostrate before the wrong emperor? By his antecedents and
 public profile, General Muhammadu Buhari, the man we elected our 
President in 2015 is a strong man who should be jealous of his powers. 
He would not want to share his powers with a shadowy group or surrender 
it to those his enemies called the cabal, or the mafia, or the group of 
modern ilari. Now, he must know that power is an unfaithful mistress. 
She must be kept in sight at all time and better kept on a leash.
In Nigeria, we do not want our President to be less powerful than our
 President should be. In the words of Babangida, the leader of Nigeria 
“must dominate his environment.” The President of Nigeria must not only 
be powerful, he must be seen to be powerful and be ready to use his 
powers. Now there is a nagging feeling that some people are making 
efforts to dominate the President and use the enormous powers of his 
office without his knowledge or his consent.
Those who were plotting to dominate the President have apparently 
installed themselves in a court room and everyone else thought they were
 dealing with the real President. They ordered the recall of Adulrasheed
 Maina, a former civil servant, who was accused of stealing public fund 
meant for the payment of pensions for retired public officers, back into
 the country and into his old post in the bureaucracy. Maina had been 
accused of stealing public fund ranging from N2 billion to N20 billion. 
Former President Goodluck Ebele Jonathan wanted him to have his day in 
court and he was handed over to the Economic and Financial Crimes 
Commission, EFCC. Maina proved that he was bigger than that and he soon 
fled and the government sent the International Police, INTERPOL, after 
him. Then Buhari came to power with his anti-corruption agenda and Maina
 remained a wanted man.
On Monday, Buhari fired David Babachir Lawal, the embattled Secretary
 to the Government of the Federation, and Ayo Oke, the Director-General 
of the National Intelligence Agency, NIA. Both have pending corruption 
cases. But the President is still apparently trying to unravel the 
mystery of the Maina saga. Who invited a wanted man back into the 
country and rolled out the red carpet for him? Who authorised Maina’s 
promotion? Who took him off the wanted list of the police, the EFCC and 
the Interpol?
With all these happening around him, it shows how isolated our 
President is apparently becoming. Buhari cannot afford to keep power, 
his unfaithful mistress, out of sight. He cannot simply allow her to 
sleep around or else there are many Mainas that would happen on his 
beat. We know that our President is back from his medical vacation. 
Buhari still lives in Aso Rock. What we are not so sure of is whether 
power still resides there with him or she has gone out on a flirty 
adventure.
Source Guardian Newspaper. 
 

 
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